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By George J. Summers

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But Olson was firm. ‘We dare not go underground, because then we lose our legitimacy. People become suspicious of that which they cannot see’” (Karl 1995: 45; see also Bennett 1995; Churchill 2001; Dammann 1994; Dees and Corcoran 1996; Downes and Foster 1994; Hamilton 1996; Hawkins 1994; Karl 1995; McQuaid 1995; Schneider 1994; Seul 1997; Stern 1996). During the latter half of 1994 and the beginning of 1995 the group continued with its public activities. The militia organized itself into a military style entity with a centralized officer based command and “uniformed brigades of citizen soldiers” (Karl 1995: 51).

Withdrawing from the group was as simple as ceasing to attend meetings or engaging in other militia activities (Downes and Foster 1994). Indeed, the Michigan Militia proudly noted in 1996 that not only was their leadership democratically elected, but that it was beholden to its membership (Michigan Militia 1996b). History of the Militia Movement in Michigan 25 In any case, the Michigan Militia’s bi-monthly public military style training sessions and activities, including high profile rallies and public protests (such as demonstrations against the United Nations) soon attracted attention from both the local government and the media (Hawkins 1994; see also Dammann 1994; Hamilton 1996; Stern 1996).

It is the constant process of negotiation through which conflicting interests come to.... compromise..... [However] extremists.... share a contempt for rational political discussion.... They know nothing about the virtue of compromise” (12; see also Bell 1963; George and Wilcox 1996; Lipset and Raab 1970: 18; 428; Lo 1982; Merkl and Weinberg 1993). Status theorists, like Hofstadter (1963), claim that sometimes extreme right-wing groups and social movements arise during times of Social Movement Theories and the Rise of the Militia Movement 47 economic prosperity, when economic issues recede and status issues move to the fore.

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